Showing posts with label Johnson and Johnson. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Johnson and Johnson. Show all posts

Monday, 4 January 2016

Stealth Public Relations and Health Advocacy, Special Pleadings and the Opposition to Guidelines Discouraging Overuse of Narcotics

As I have written before as a physician who saw too many dire results of intravenous drug abuse, I was amazed how narcotics were pushed as the treatment of choice for chronic pain in the 1990s, with the result that the US was once again engulfed in an epidemic of narcotic abuse and its effects.  In mid-December, 2015, as reported in the Washington Post,

The nation continues to suffer through a widespread epidemic to prescription opioids and their illegal cousin, heroin. The CDC estimated that 20 percent of patients who complain about acute or chronic pain that is not from cancer are prescribed opioids. Health-care providers wrote 259 million prescriptions for the medications in 2012, 'enough for every adult in the United States to have a bottle of pills,' the CDC wrote.

Last week, the National Center for Health Statistics reported that the number of overdose deaths from legal opioid drugs surged by 16.3 percent in 2014, to 18,893, while overdose fatalities from heroin climbed by 28 percent, to 10,574. Authorities have said that previous efforts to restrict prescription drug abuse have forced some people with addictions to the medications onto heroin, which is cheaper and widely available.

This rising tide of death and morbidity seems to have been fueled by reckless, sometimes deceptive, sometimes illegal marketing by the pharmaceutical companies that produced narcotics other than heroin.

Background - Legal Drug Pushing

As I wrote in 2013,

the realization began to dawn that patients, doctors and society were being victimized by a new type of pusher man, this time dressed in a suit and working for an 'ethical' drug company.  In the earlier days of Health Care Renewal, we first posted (in 2006) about allegations of deceptive and unethical promotion of fentanyl by Cephalon that lead to its overuse by patients beyond those with cancer who were its ostensible target population.  Then in 2007 came the spectacular case of guilty pleas by a subsidiary of Purdue Pharma and several of its executives for 'misbranding' Oxycontin,  that is, promoting it far beyond any medically legitimate use in severe chronic pain.  Following that various investigations, well chronicled in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, showed how pharmaceutical companies employed deceptive marketing techniques, subverting medical education and research, and creating conflicted key opinion leaders and institutionally conflicted disease advocacy groups, to push more 'legal' narcotics  For example, see the Journal Sentinel reports the subversion of :  medical schools and their faculty; .medical societies, disease advocacy groups, and foundations; and guideline writing panels.  In 2012, we posted about how a drug company paid key opinion leader admitted to second thoughts about his role promoting narcotics.

As I described in that 2012 post, the new narcotic pushers relied on only the most sketchy evidence about the safety of prescription narcotics.  In the 1990s, they taught that the rate of addiction caused by prescribing legal narcotics was only 1%, but this was based on a tiny flawed case series of a mere 38 patients.  In 1996, a consensus statement from the American Academy of Pain Medicine and the American Pain Society, entitled "The Use of Opioids for the Treatment of Chronic Pain," included the following statements,

Pain is often managed inadequately, despite the ready availability of safe and effective treatments.

Studies indicate that the de novo development of addiction when opioids are used for the relief of pain is low.

Yet one of the primary proponents of profligate use of narcotics to treat chronic pain later admitted he

erred by overstating the drugs' benefits and glossing over risks. 'Did I teach about pain management, specifically about opioid therapy, in a way that reflects misinformation? Well, against the standards of 2012, I guess I did,' Dr. Portenoy said in an interview with The Wall Street Journal. 'We didn't know then what we know now.'

Also,

'I gave innumerable lectures in the late 1980s and '90s about addiction that weren't true,' Dr. Portenoy said in a 2010 videotaped interview with a fellow doctor. The Journal reviewed the conversation, much of which is previously unpublished.

In it, Dr. Portenoy said it was 'quite scary' to think how the growth in opioid prescribing driven by people like him had contributed to soaring rates of addiction and overdose deaths. 'Clearly, if I had an inkling of what I know now then, I wouldn't have spoken in the way that I spoke. It was clearly the wrong thing to do,' Dr. Portenoy said in the recording.


The CDC Attempts to Moderate the Use of Opioids for Chronic Pain

So to me it seems quite reasonable the US Center for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), being cognizant of the rising toll of narcotic addiction, would attempt to do something about it.  As reported by the Washington Post,

The government on Monday urged primary-care physicians who prescribe opioids for pain relief to rein in their use of the drugs, proposing new guidelines that call for a more conservative approach than the one that has led to a crippling epidemic of addiction to the powerful narcotics.

Just a few days after a new report showed a surge of drug-related overdoses in 2014, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention suggested in draft recommendations that physicians tackle chronic pain with other methods, such as physical therapy and non-opioid analgesics, before turning to the powerful medications. If opioids, such as OxyContin and Percocet, are necessary, the agency recommended short-acting versions over extended release formulations, the lowest possible dose and short-term prescriptions.

It also suggested that doctors ask patients to take urine tests before prescribing opioids and additional urine tests at least once a year if they continue on the drugs, to ensure that they aren't secretly taking other opioids or illegal drugs.

'What we want to just make sure is that doctors understand that starting a patient on an opiate is a momentous decision,' said CDC director Tom Frieden. 'The risks are addiction and death, and the benefits are unproven.'

Based on the events since they 1990s, the lack of clear data from well performed randomized controlled trials of the effectiveness of opioids in chronic pain, and their obvious, known risks, that seems like common sense to me.

The Strong but Obscure Opposition to the CDC Guidelines

However,others disagreed.  The guidelines attracted immediate opposition, for reasons that were not immediately obvious.  Four days after the Post article, the Associated Press reported that the guidelines were in big trouble,

A bold federal effort to curb prescribing of painkillers may be faltering amid stiff resistance from drugmakers, industry-funded groups and, now, even other public health officials.

Also,

Critics complained the CDC guidelines went too far and had mostly been written behind closed doors. One group threatened to sue. Then earlier this month, officials from the FDA and other health agencies at a meeting of pain experts bashed the guidelines as 'shortsighted,' relying on 'low-quality evidence.' They said they planned to file a formal complaint.

The CDC a week later abandoned its January target date, instead opening the guidelines to public comment for 30 days and additional changes.

Anti-addiction activists worry the delay could scuttle the guidelines entirely.

This, however, did not make much sense.  I repeat, the evidence that narcotics are effective for chronic pain other than that due to terminal cancer is very weak.  The evidence that opioids have multiple side effects, some fatal, and can cause addiction, which has more side effects, and bad societal consequences, is strong.  So the evidence that narcotics have benefits that are worth their harms, both to individuals and society, in this setting is essentially non-existent.  So why did these guidelines go too far?  Why invoke low quality evidence, when the evidence that is low quality is about the benefits of the drugs?  Who should be sued?  Furthermore, why did the CDC cave in so readily to these critics?

The AP noted,

But industry-funded groups like the U.S. Pain Foundation and the American Academy of Pain Management warn that the CDC guidelines could block patient access to medications if adopted by state health systems, insurers and hospitals.

Of course they could reduce access.  The whole point of the guidelines is to reduce access.  But who would want more access to medicines that do more harm than good?

Then there was the issue of just who it was who opposed the guidelines. Much of the opposition seemed to come from rather obscure organizations with authoritative names.  Some of the opposition was chronicled by equally obscure, apparently journalistic organizations. (From now on, I will highlight these mysterious organizations by using bold, italic text in this color.)  For example, according to the Washington Post,

Many of the patient and physician groups opposing the CDC guidelines are part of a larger coalition called the Pain Care Forum, which meets monthly in Washington to strategize on pain issues. Officials from the White House, the FDA, NIH and other agencies have met with the group over the years, according to documents obtained by The Associated Press under the Freedom of Information Act.

The Pain Care Forum presents itself as a leaderless collective that does not take formal positions. But most members receive funding from drugmakers, including OxyContin-maker Purdue, whose chief lobbyist helped found the group and remains at its center.

The mission of the Pain Care Forum, its organizational nature (informal group, membership society, non-profit advocacy group, etc), its leadership, and its sources of funding were not entirely obvious from this article.  But certainly the drift of the article was that the organization maybe represents pharmaceutical manufacturers, particularly the previously discredited Purdue Pharma (see above) more than others.  So why not take what it says with many grains of salt.

But who threatened to sue?  Which FDA officials chimed in, and why, given that the FDA does not have a mission that includes writing guidelines?   That was not clear from the AP story.

My attempts to gain further clarity produced more mystification.  A Medscape article also claimed that the opposition to the CDC guidelines included Dr James Madara, the Executive Vice-President and CEO of the American Medical Association, and "some members of the Interagency Pain Research Coordinating Committee [who] criticized the process, according to the Pain News Network."  It was not clear whether Dr Madara's viewpoint had broad support in the AMA, which members of the Interagency Pain Research Coordinating Committee opposed the CDC guidelines, and whether this opposition was personal, or reflected the considered viewpoint of the committee.  Furthermore, that committee's purview does not obviously include clinical guideline development or public health, so why it was commenting on this issue was also unclear.  

The Pain News Network story which apparently was the source used by the Medscape in turn referred to a Politico story, but one which is only available to subscribers.  The Pain News Network also credited a survey by "the Pain News Network and the Power of Pain Foundation."

The Medscape article said nothing more about the Pain News Network.which is not exactly a household word in health care journalism.  The Pain News Network story did not give more detail about the Power of Pain Foundation, whose mission, nature, leadership, funding etc was not obvious.   

The Pain News Network story also quoted the Washington Legal Foundation's chief counsel.

The overly secretive manner in which CDC has been developing the Guideline serves the interests of neither the healthcare community nor consumers.

Similarly, the Washington Post article also credited the Washington Legal Foundation's opposition to the CDC guidelines,

The Washington Legal Foundation, a public interest law firm dedicated to protecting the free enterprise system, accused the CDC of trying to formulate them secretly by failing to make public the work of its original advisory committee, the Core Expert Group. The CDC disputes that accusation, but issued the recommendations in draft form Monday and will have them reviewed by another advisory panel after receiving more comment over the next 30 days, Frieden said.

Yet, neither the Pain News Network nor the Post explained why a group supporting "free enterprise" was so concerned about this issue, or what expertise it might have in this area.  It is ironic that a group that proclaims opposition to secrecy seems less than transparent about its involvement in this issue.

Finally, the nature of the Pain News Network, which claims to be a "non-profit, independent news source," is also obscure.  It appears to be one of those non-profits that has no physical address per its web page of contact information, does not disclose its sources of funding, and if it files US Internal Revenue Service 990 forms, I cannot find them.

The most detailed article I could find about the substance of the complaints about the CDC guidelines was in another obscure source, the Legal News Line.  The article mostly described the concerns of

Peter Pitts, a former associate commissioner of external affairs at the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and now president and co-founder of the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, can be counted among those critical of how the panel was put together.

Pitts' main issue was that a member of the group that developed the CDC guidelines was biased. He said,

'So you have to have as open of a mind as possible.'

And that’s exactly where the CDC went wrong, Pitts said, pointing to Jane Ballantyne. Ballantyne served as a member of the CDC’s “Core Expert Group,” which played a key role in developing the agency’s opioid guidelines.

Ballantyne, a retired professor of anesthesiology and pain medicine at the University of Washington, is a member of the International Association for the Study of Pain, or IASP, and last year was named president of the Physicians for Responsible Opioid Prescribing, or PROP.

PROP’s mission, according to its website, is to 'reduce opioid-related morbidity and mortality by promoting cautious and responsible prescribing practices.'

'Not only does she have strong opinions, but extra strong opinions -- almost on the lunatic fringe -- on pain medicine issues,' Pitts said.

'For the CDC to say, we’re going to put someone who comes to the discussion with such preconceived notions on such a committee, you have to ask yourself, why? And then why was it hidden from the public?'

The Legal New Line's example of supposed journalism did not apparently ask Pitts what was "lunatic" about wanting to promote cautious and responsible prescribing of opioids.  That seems to me like common clinical sense, the opposite of insanity.  

Also, Pitts complained that beyond this alleged bias, Dr Ballantyne had a conflict of interest,

Pitts noted Ballantyne’s connection to law firm Cohen Milstein Sellers & Toll PLLC -- a plaintiffs law firm that is known for its class action lawsuits and has been hired by a number of state attorneys general in recent years, including some of those to whom it donated.

Ballantyne reportedly disclosed her services as a paid consultant for Cohen Milstein to the CDC. The firm currently is helping to represent the City of Chicago in a lawsuit filed against a group of pharmaceutical companies over the marketing of opioid painkillers.

Note that in the first paragraph above, the writer apparently meant that the law firm donated to the campaigns of the attorney generals.

More importantly, why the apparent conflict of interest affecting a single member of a large group - the core expert group of which Dr Ballantyne sat included 17 people - was so important was not apparent from Mr Pitts' argument.  Mr Pitts did not explain how any sort of advisory group that included experts in the field could avoid people who already had strong opinions about that field.  The Legal News Line article did not discuss Mr Pitts' own background, or provide any information about the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest, which he leads.  

I could not find reporting in major news outlets or medical/ health care scholarly publications about the opposition to the CDC guidelines beyond the stories in the Washington Post, AP, and Medscape, and a brief report in Modern Healthcare.  I did find numerous articles on yet another little known website called the National Pain Report, (e.g. see this one).

So to summarize so far, the opposition to the new CDC opioid guidelines was apparently strong enough to delay, if not derail them.  Yet who was in the opposition, their funding, and their interests remains obscure.  The arguments of the opposition remain unclear.  Even some of the purported journalists reporting on the opposition remain mysterious.  There seems to be a tremendous amount of fog surrounding the opposition to more conservative prescribing of narcotics for non-cancerous chronic pain.

The Common Thread - Stealth Health Policy Advocacy


It was striking that much of the opposition seemed to come from rather mysterious organizations, the Pain Care Forum, Power of Pain Foundation, Washington Legal Foundation, and Center for Medicine in the Public Interest.  However, the reporting on these organizations was minimal.  Furthermore, some of the news sources reporting on the opposition to the CDC guidelines also were rather mysterious, such as the Pain News Network, National Pain Report, and Legal News Line.

One recent media article, and some of our previous blogging, though suggest that the opposition organizations all have ties to the pharmaceutical industry, and in several cases, directly to one of the major producers of legal opioids.  On December 23, 2015, Lee Fang wrote in the Intercept by way of an introduction,

The pharmaceutical companies that manufacture and market OxyContin, Vicodin, and other highly addictive opioid painkillers — drugs that have fueled the epidemic of overdoses and heroin addiction — are funding nonprofit groups fighting furiously against efforts to reform how these drugs are prescribed.

In particular,

An investigation by The Intercept has found that the pharmaceutical companies that dominate the $9 billion a year opioid painkiller market have funded organizations attacking reform of the prescribing guidelines:

The Washington Legal Foundation, a nonprofit that litigates to defend 'free-market principles,' threatened the CDC with legal action if the agency moved forward with the proposed opioid guidelines. The WLG claimed the CDC’s advisory panel for the guidelines lacked 'fair ideological balance,' because it included a doctor who is part of an advocacy effort against opioid addiction. The WLF does not disclose donor information, but has filed friend-of-the-court briefs on behalf of Purdue Pharma, the makers of OxyContin. In a recent article with Pain News Network, a spokesperson for Purdue Pharma conceded: 'We’re long-standing supporters of WLF, in addition to several other business and legal organizations. We’ve provided them with unrestricted grants.'

The Pain Care Forum organized opposition to the CDC prescribing guidelines, mobilizing regular meetings among stakeholders opposed to the idea, according to an investigation by AP reporter Matthew Perrone. A recently re-filed complaint by the City of Chicago found that Burt Rosen, the chief in-house lobbyist for Purdue Pharma, controls the Pain Care Forum. A former drug company employee allegedly told investigators that Rosen tells the Pain Care Forum 'what to do and how we do it.' The Pain Care Forum is funded through contributions by Purdue Pharma, as well as major opioid manufacturers Cephalon, Endo, and Janssen, a subsidiary of Johnson & Johnson.

 The Power of Pain Foundation, a group funded by Purdue Pharma, asked supporters to contact the CDC in opposition to the guidelines, claiming that 'taking away pain medication and making providers afraid to prescribe due to your guidelines is only going to make more abusers, increase suicides, and tear apart the lives of millions.'


Fang also noted that the Legal News Line, the source of the story documenting Peter Pitts' problems with the CDC guidelines, also is tied to the pharmaceutical industry:

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, a corporate lobbying group that represents opioid manufacturers, including Johnson & Johnson, issued a press release masquerading as a news story [published by the Legal News Line] criticizing the CDC guidelines. (The U.S. Chamber operates a public relations effort dressed up as a bona fide media outlet called Legal Newsline, which it uses to disseminate stories that support the political priorities of its member companies.)

In addition, on Health Care Renewal we have previously discussed the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest.  Back in 2008, we noted that when writing for the New York Times, Mr Pitts had to disclose that the Center for Medicine in the Public Interest receives pharmaceutical industry funding, including from Pfizer and the PhRMA.  At that time, Mr Pitts' day job was  Senior Vice President for Global Health Affairs at the big public relations firm Manning, Selvage and Lee. Manning, Selvege and Lee had many big pharmaceutical accounts  Since then, he moved on to become director for global healthcare at Porter Novelli, also a public relations/ communications company with many health care corporate clients, including pharmaceutical companies, and now appears to be a consultant in the life sciences area for YourEncore.  I cannot find any updated information on current Center for Medicine in the Public Interest funding, but there is no reason to think that it is not still funded by the pharmaceutical industry.

Mr Pitts' published objections to the CDC guidelines had to do with the supposed bias and conflicts of interests of a single member of the guideline expert panel, and the alleged lack of transparency of the guideline project.  Yet Mr Pitts was not very transparent about his own background, and his and his organizations' financial interests.  For Mr Pitts to condemn the guideline panel member's conflict while hiding his own conflict amounts to a garish example of the logical fallacy of special pleading.  Similarly, the Washington Legal Foundation's objections to the alleged biases of the guideline panel, given that  foundation is apparently funded by Purdue Pharma, is another garish example of the same logical fallacy.

On the other hand, the Pain News Network and the National Pain Report remain obscure.   The former claims to be a non-profit organization, but I cannot find its federal 990 filing, identify its board of trustees, or even determine its physical address. It does claim an affiliation with the Power of Pain Foundation.  The National Pain Report at least has a physical address, which it shares with the equally obscure American News Report. Other details, like its ownership, remain obscure.  The failure of supposedly journalistic organizations to publicly reveal basic information about their nature and operations does raise suspicions that they are not really so journalistic.

Summary

In summary, the organizations most widely mentioned as opposing the new CDC guidelines that recommend more conservative use of opioids for chronic pain seem to be heavily involved with the pharmaceutical companies that make such opioids.  Thus, the opposition to the guidelines seems to be arising from a stealth public relations campaign leading to stealth health policy advocacy.  Furthermore, at least so far, the objections to the guidelines do not seem clearly based on logic and good evidence from clinical research, again suggesting they are more about financial interests than improving patient outcomes and reducing risks.

Overuse and misuse of opioids, which may lead to all the individual and social consequences of opioid addiction, are clearly major, worsening medical and public health issues.  We need earnest effort to address these problems, which should be informed by a logical, evidence-based discussion of the clinical and social realities.  Such a discussion is only hindered by the growing fog of objections launched by mysterious organizations funded by the companies who have made the most money selling narcotics.  So we also need some societal response to the growing domination of the public debate by marketing and public relations, often based on emotional manipulation, logical fallacies, and outright deception.

We cannot address our worsening health care dysfunction when public discussion and policy making blunders about in the fog of stealth health policy advocacy, stealth lobbying, and stealth marketing.  If the leaders of big health care corporations really believe they are making good products and providing good services that add value and improve patients' and the public's health, they ought to be able to rely on honest and open communications.  If they cannot disavow stealth public relations and stealth marketing, we ought to disavow the companies that practice them.

Not So Cheerful Musical Interlude

Unfortunately, given the topic of this post, here is Lou Reed singing Heroin



ADDENDUM (4 January, 2016) - This post was republished on the Naked Capitalism blog, sadly without Lou Reed. See the interesting comments appended to that version.

Also, this post was republished in its entirety on OpEdNews.
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Friday, 11 December 2015

A Small Challenge to Impunity - Lawsuit Against Former Synthes CEO Proceeds

A Small Challenge to Impunity - Lawsuit Against Former Synthes CEO Proceeds

Numerous allegations of bad behavior by big health care organizations, some apparently causing patient harm, have resulted in legal settlements, sometimes of criminal charges.  Yet rarely do the individuals who apparently authorized, directed, or implemented the bad beahvior suffer any negative consequences.  In particular, the top executives on whose watch the bad behavior occured seem to have impunity.

Suing the Former Synthes CEO

So it is news that a lawsuit will proceed against the former CEO of medical device company Synthes,  alleging actions that led to the death of a patient.  The basics were reported by the Daily Caller,

Hansjorg Wyss ... will face charges of running a 'criminal profiteering enterprise' through the illegal use of a drug and in violation of federal patient safety rules that resulted in the death of a 67-year old woman....

Washington State Superior Court Judge Dean Lum agreed Oct. 30 that Wyss, a Swiss billionaire ... can stand trial under the state’s racketeering laws for leading a criminal enterprise that caused the death of Reba Golden. She died during an illegal drug test conducted by Wyss’s company in 2007.

The Washington suit charges Wyss, the former CEO of a Pennsylvania-based medical device company called Synthes and his co-defendants with murder in the second degree as a class A felony, second degree assault and criminal profiteering under the Washington Criminal Profiteering Act.

Wyss faces a statutory civil penalty of $250,000 for each violation, amounting to $9.2 million for 'personal injury to and death of Mrs. Golden.' He is charged in 37 violations.

The plaintiff is Reba Golden’s daughter, Cynthia Wilson, whose mother died in 2007 on the operating table after Synthes organized illegal 'market tests' for at least 50 persons across the country of an untested bone cement substance that the Food & Drug Administration banned for use in the spine.

Ultimately, five patients died during the illicit drug testing. Synthes failed to report the deaths to the FDA, as required by law, until the third fatality occurred.

Furthermore, 

Wyss 'entered into a criminal enterprise to perfo'rm illegal and experimental surgeries on patients,' Daniel Hannula, Golden’s attorney, told The DCNF.

Also,

'Mr. Hansjorg Wyss was the controlling stockholder and ranking executive of Synthes and Norian Corporation and the leader of a criminal enterprise,' the complaint states. 'The criminal enterprise engaged, for profit, in a pattern of criminal profiteering activity,' enticed by the prospect of a company forecast of $3 million in after-tax profit for the first year of sales.

Judge Davis agreed case was about profits, saying their behavior was 'generated by a desire to realize the immense profits.'

Hannula told the DCNF, 'they completely ignored what was required of them in order to get their product to the market as quickly as possible because they recognized that this was a market of huge financial potential.'

These are only allegations, of course. However, again, it is very rare for any top executive of a health care organization to personally face a lawsuit for his or her organization's conduct, no matter how bad that conduct may be. 

The Synthes Case Up to Now

We already knew that Synthes' conduct was particularly bad. We last discussed the Synthes case in 2011.  The case was already extraordinary in that it resulted in criminal convictions of several high-ranking Synthes executives.  At that time we wrote:

Synthes USA, the American branch of a Swiss based device company, first settled charges that it had been paying surgeons with company stock to use its products in its clinical trials in 2009 (see this post).  Then prosecutors alleged that these were not really rigorous trials. Instead, for marketing purposes, executives of Synthes subsidiary Norian persuaded surgeons to use its Norian XR product in a case series of spine surgery patients and then publish the results.  Three patients who received the product for this "off-label" use died.  This scheme was alleged to have been directed by 'person no. 7,' whom journalists identified as the company CEO, Hansjorg Wyss (see post here.)   In an unusual move, the prosecutors indicted four company executives, who then pleaded guilty.  They did not take any further action against Wyss, who turns out to be one of the world's richest men (see post here).

In 2011, Wyss agreed to sell Synthes to Johnson and Johnson, itself a company with a very chequered past (look here), thus making himself into a multi-billionaire, and one of the world's richest men.  (Currently, Forbes lists Wyss as number 240 on its list of the world's richest, estimating his fortune at $6.1 billion.)

The case then slipped into relative obscurity, although Fortune ran a long-form article on it in 2012, which called it a "medical horror story."

An Almost Anechoic Lawsuit

Because of the unusual nature of the ongoing lawsuit, one might expect that it would generate some public discussion.  One would be wrong.  The litigation against Mr Wyss so far has received almost no media coverage, demonstrating the ongoing anechoic effect.  We previous defined  the anechoic effect, as the phenomenon that information or discussion that could challenge or discomfit the powers that be in the US health care often generates no echoes.  

To date, I could only find coverage of the ongoing lawsuit against Mr Wyss in the Daily Caller.  And ironically the Daily Caller did not appear to cover this case because it specializes in malfeasance in health care.  It seemed to cover it because it may have indirectly reflected negatively on prominent members of the US Democratic Party.

Actually, the main focus of the article I quoted above was not health care.  It was that Mr Wyss appears to be a supporter of Hilary Clinton, the currently leading Democratic candidate for the US presidential nomination, and of ostensibly left-wing causes.  I put an ellipsis in the first sentence of the article to allow me to focus on its health care aspects.  What I removed was not a description of Mr Wyss not as an extremely rich former CEO of a medical device company, but as

Hansjorg Wyss, a prominent Clinton foundation donor and wealthy bankrolled of liberal activist groups, will face charges of running a 'criminal profiteering enterprise'....

And the article's title similarly did not mention health care at all: 

Major Clinton Donor Faces 'Criminal Profiteering' Charges

The Daily Caller actually specializes not in health care malfeasance, but in issues of interest to the right wing.  As Politico reported in 2014, Tucker Carlson, described as a "conservative pundit, who founded the Daily Caller, has said

What I despise most about the legacy media isn’t just that they’re mindlessly liberal, though they are.

The Columbia Journalism Review described the Daily Caller as having

carved out a cozy corner of the web in its short life. It’s a place for conservatives to read about the latest liberal scandal and the latest movements in the GOP presidential field.
So presumably if Mr Wyss was uninterested in politics, and did not donate to any remotely left wing causes, the Daily Caller would not have covered the ongoing lawsuit, leaving it totally anechoic.

But whether of not the Daily Caller had an axe to grind when making its choice to report on the ongoing litigation against Mr Wyss, why did every other media outlet to ignore the story?  Perhaps again the rule is in general it is simply not done to publicly discuss what might excessively embarass the people who have gotten very rich from the currently dysfunctional health care system?

Conclusions

The just revealed story of the lawsuit against the extremely rich former CEO of Synthes does suggest that perhaps individuals injured by our curent dysfunctional health care system could use the legal system to try to challenge those who get rich from enabling such injuries.  Or not, because the outcome of this lawsuit is uncertain.

Furthermore, the initiation of this lawsuit again reminds us that those who lead large health care organizations, and may profit mightily from them, regardless of the effects on patients' and the public's health, remain beyond the law.  It is not clear why the US Department of Justice chose not to even attempt to prosecute Mr Wyss, although they apparently believed he was responsible for directing the actions that led to patient deeaths.  But his impunity mirrors that granted to just about every top health care manager who authorized or directed corporate bad behavior that endangered patients. 

This impunity is further enabled by how anechoic stories of bad leadership of health care organizations, even of apparently criminal or corrupt leadership, are.  As long as most health care professionals and the public at large remain unaware of the dark side of health care, they are unlikely to seek light to shed upon it.

True health care reform would encourage open, widespread discussion of all aspects of health care dysfunction, particularly bad behavior by those who profit most from it, and would encourage health care leadership that puts patients' and the public health first, is willing to be accountable for its actions, is transparent, honest and ethical. 

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Thursday, 19 March 2015

Same Old, Same Old - Johnson and Johnson Settles Charges it Concealed Adverse Effects of Risperdal, Vaginal Mesh Device, Pleads Guilty to Selling Adulterated Tylenol, Announces CEO Got 48% Raise to $25 Million

Same Old, Same Old - Johnson and Johnson Settles Charges it Concealed Adverse Effects of Risperdal, Vaginal Mesh Device, Pleads Guilty to Selling Adulterated Tylenol, Announces CEO Got 48% Raise to $25 Million

We have devoted a lot of bytes over the years to the stream of allegations and ethical questions about Johnson and Johnson, the giant pharmaceutical/ biotechnology/ device company, and resulting legal actions.  Meanwhile, the company has bestowed a gushing stream of money on its top executives.  Its almost spring, 2015, and it seems nothing has changed.

Johnson and Johnson's Latest Legal Misadventures

Jury Verdict that Company Concealed Harms of Risperdal

Let us start with the latest legal news about J&J.  In late February, 2015, as reported on the PharmaLot blog by Ed Silverman,

In a setback to Johnson & Johnson , a Philadelphia jury decided the health care giant must pay $2.5 million in damages for failing to warn that its Risperdal antipsychotic could cause gynecomastia, which is abnormal development of breasts in males. The lawsuit was brought by the family of an autistic boy who took the drug in 2002 and later developed size 46 DD breasts, according to a lawyer for the family.

The case has drawn attention for a few reasons. For one, this was the first lawsuit claiming J&J hid the risks of gynecomastia to go to trial after a handful of cases were settled in recent years. The trial also served as a reminder that J&J paid $2.2 billion two years ago to resolve criminal and civil allegations of illegally marketing Risperdal to children and the elderly.

Moreover, former FDA commissioner David Kessler served as a paid expert witness for the family and testified that J&J knew about the risks associated with Risperdal, but failed to disclose the data showing the extent to which youngsters may develop gynecomastia. In a report prepared for a 2012 case that was settled, Kessler wrote that J&J’s Janssen unit, which marketed the drug, had violated the law.

Note that the central allegation in this case was not simply that the drug had adverse effects, but that the company knew about these effects, and hid them.  In my humble opinion, since we entrust pharmaceutical companies to provide safe and effective products, withholding information about adverse effects is a fundamental violation of this trust. 

As noted above, this follows on another case with a much bigger financial settlement about questionable marketing of Risperdal. In addition, as the PharmaLot post noted, there are many more individual cases like this one waiting in the wings, "J&J says there are about 1,200 such lawsuits filed in courts around the country,..."

Jury Verdict that Company Concealed Harms of  Vaginal Mesh Device

Similarly, as reported by Reuters in early March, 2015,

A California jury on Thursday ordered Johnson & Johnson's Ethicon Inc unit to pay $5.7 million in the first trial over injuries blamed on the TVT Abbrevo, one of numerous transvaginal mesh products that are the subject of thousands of lawsuits.

Following more than three days of deliberations in Kern County, California, jurors found Ethicon liable for problems with the TVT Abbrevo's design and for failing to warn about its risks, according to a lawyer for plaintiff Coleen Perry.

Perry was awarded $700,000 in compensatory damages and an additional $5 million in punitive damages after jurors in the Bakersfield court found Ethicon's conduct amounted to 'malice,' her lawyer said.

Again, note that this lawsuit was not merely about the adverse effects of, in this case, a device, but about allegations that the company knew about these effects, but hid them.  My comments about violation of a fundamental trust above apply. 

Again, this is but one of the earlier cases of a cohort that may number 36,000.

Company Pleads Guilty to Selling Adulterated Tylenol

Finally, as reported in mid-March, 2015, by Reuters,

A Johnson & Johnson subsidiary pleaded guilty on Tuesday to selling liquid medicine contaminated with metal and agreed to pay $25 million to resolve the case, the U.S. Department of Justice said on Tuesday.

The subsidiary, McNeil Consumer Healthcare, pleaded guilty to one federal criminal charge in the case.

In 2010, the company launched mass recalls of certain children's over-the-counter-medicines, including Infants' Tylenol and Children's Motrin, made at its Fort Washington, Pennsylvania plant.

It was the latest in a series of recalls at the time. There were far-reaching multiple recalls from 2008 to 2010 involving hundreds of millions of bottles and packages of consumer brands such as Tylenol, Motrin, Rolaids, Benadryl and other products due to faulty manufacturing. The recalls kept widely used products such as Children's Tylenol off pharmacy shelves and seriously tarnished J&J's once-sterling reputation.

In addition to metal particles getting into liquid medicines, there were moldy odors and labeling problems.

Furthermore, as emphasized in a report in the Philadelphia Business Journal, this case also involved allegations that the company seemed to conceal the problem.

McNeil, after receiving the consumer complaint, did not initiate or complete a 'corrective action preventive action' plan as required by the federal government.

The federal government also alleged other instances in which McNeil found metal particles in bottles of infants' Tylenol at its Fort Washington facility, but failed to initiate or complete a corrective action plan.

Note that in this case, the company pleaded guilty and so could not claim it was merely settling to put the case behind it.  Furthermore, note that this was not the first case arising from charges that the company sold adulterated products made in the Pennsylvania and other factories (for example, see this post.)   We posted frequently about a long string of recalls of presumed defective or adulterated Johnson and Johnson products (here, here, here and here).  Again, in my humble opinion, we we trust drug companies to sell pure, unadulterated products.  Selling adulterated products again fundamentally violates this trust.

Unfortunately, these three cases, like many of the legal settlements we discuss, involved relatively small penalties that only accrued to the company as a whole.  The monetary penalties, while they may seem large to regular citizens, could appear as relatively trivial costs of doing business to company management.  Furthermore, no individual who authorized, directed, or implemented the behavior identified in these cases suffered any kind of penalty.  So these cases added to the many examples of the impunity of managers of large corporations who almost never seem to bear any legal responsibility for their actions.  In the case of Johnson and Johnson managers, this is all the more striking, since the current cases are just the latest in a very long string.  (See Appendix below for a list of Johnson and Johnson legal misadventures we have discussed since 2010.)


Johnson and Johnson CEO's Latest Raise


Finally, a day later, the Wall Street Journal reported on the continuing good fortune of the Johnson and Johnson CEO, to be contrasted with the company's poor fortunes in the courts of law.

Johnson & Johnson said Chairman and Chief Executive Alex Gorsky’s total compensation jumped 48% to $25 million last year, lifted by an increase in stock and option awards. Mr. Gorsky’s stock and option awards rose to a total value of $13.6 million from $8.7 million a year earlier. The board also raised Mr. Gorsky’s base salary to $1.5 million from $1.45 million in 2013, and the CEO also benefited from a jump in pension value.

In a filing Wednesday, the pharmaceutical giant said Mr. Gorsky’s compensation increase was based on the board’s conclusion that J&J successfully executed near-term priorities, exceeded financial goals and built on momentum in its pharmaceutical business.

As a result, J&J awarded Mr. Gorsky an annual performance bonus of 135% of target and long-term incentives at 130% of target. Awards at J&J are capped at 200% of target.

The article noted that at least one other top Johnson and Johnson manager also was raking it in.

Paulus Stoffels, world-wide chairman of Pharmaceuticals, made $18.3 million last year, more than double his 2013 total compensation, boosted by a stock award of $10.7 million.
Funny, the board's rosy view of Mr Gorsky's performance seemed totally uninformed by the company's latest legal misadventures.

(By the way, to anyone who would argue that many of these misadventures were the results of behavior that occurred before Mr Gorsky became CEO, note that his official company biography stated that he joined the company's Executive Committee in 2009, implying some shared responsibility for overall company management since then.)

Same Old, Same Old

A few weeks back, one of our commentators complained that our posts have a certain sameness.  Unfortunately, we agree.  We keep seeing variants of the same sorts of outrageous stories in the news media that we began to post about in 2004.   The problems are not getting better.  Perhaps they are getting worse.

In particular, we have previously contrasted this particular company's recurrent legal and ethical problems with its top managers' accumulating wealth.  In 2011 we posted about the contrast between previous Johnson and Johnson CEO William Weldon's enlarging fortune and political influence with some of the earlier legal cases that raised questions about the trustworthiness of the company.

But the point of this blog is not to come up with titillating stories to make people chuckle.  The point is to challenge the continuing, severe problems afflicting the leadership and governance of health care, the resulting incompetent, unethical, and sometimes criminal behavior, and the downstream effects on patients' and the public's health.  Do not blame the messenger for the sameness of the problem.  Blame those who are getting wealthy and powerful from the ongoing decline in health care. 

If we truly want to see more accessible, more effective, less costly health care in our life times, we need to first call out the bad leadership that has kept such aspirations at bay for so long, and second start to hold current leadership accountable for the mess they have made.


Appendix - Johnson and Johnson Legal Record since 2010-
2010
- Convictions in two different states for misleading marketing of Risperdal
- A guilty plea for misbranding Topamax
2011
- Guilty pleas to bribery in Europe  by Johnson and Johnson's DePuy subsidiary
- A guilty plea for marketing Risperdal for unapproved uses  (see this link for all of the above)
- A guilty plea to misbranding Natrecor by J+J subsidiary Scios (see post here)
2012 
 - Testimony in a trial of allegations of unethical marketing of the drug Risperdal (risperidone) by the Janssen subsidiary revealed a systemic, deceptive stealth marketing campaign that fostered suppression of research whose results were unfavorable to the company, ghostwriting, the use of key opinion leaders as marketers in the guise of academics and professionals, and intimidation of whistleblowers. After these revelations, the company abruptly settled the case (see post here).
-  Johnson & Johnson was fined $1.1 billion by a judge in Arkansas for deceiving patients and physicians again about Risperdal (look here).
-  Johnson & Johnson announced it would pay $181 million to resolve claims of deceptive advertising again about Risperdal (see this post).
2013
-  Johnson & Johnson settled case by shareholders alleging that management made misleading statements and withheld material information about manufacturing problems (see this post)
-  Johnson & Johnson Janssen subsidiary pleaded guilty to a charge of misbranding Risperdal, and settled for a total of $2.2 billion allegations that it promoted the drug for elderly demented patients and adolescents without an indication, and despite evidence of its harms (see this post).
 -  Johnson & Johnson DePuy subsidiary agreed to settle with multiple plaintiffs for $2.5 billion allegations that it sold defective mental-on-metal artificial hip, and hid evidence of its harms .
- Johnson & Johnsonn Janssen subsidiary was found by two juries to have concealed harms of its drug Topamax (see this post for this and above case).
- Johnson & Johnson Ethicon subsidiary's Advanced Surgical Products and two of its executives agreed to settle charges by US FDA that is sold mislabeled products used to sterilize equipment such as endoscopes (see this post).
- Johnson & Johnson fined by European Commission for anticompetitive practices, that is, collusion with Novartis to delay marketing generic version of Fentanyl (see this post).
2014 
- Johnson & Johnson DePuy subsidiary settled Oregan state charges that it marketed the ASR XL metal-on-metal hip joint prosthesis without disclosing its high failure rate (see this post). 
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